Trump’s resurrection: How his rallies reveal that he is the ultimate follower



[ad_1]

Donald Trump returns to his beloved rally stage over the weekend to perform his greatest hits in front of a crowd in Georgia. It was a big and extravagant pleasure. What else is new? If there is any hope that Trump fans will get bored of him, there is no sign yet.

From asking the crowd what should be Hillary Clinton’s wedding and releasing an obscene rendition of “Lock Her Up!” in complaining about the border as his followers shouted “Build That Wall,” Trump delivered his tried and true staples. He declared that he liked law enforcement and the military and the 2nd Amendment and even bragged about making people say Merry Christmas again. And when he asked, “Is there anything like a Trump rally?” he really brought home. Eventually, they all danced awkwardly to the 70s hook-up song, YMCA before going home spent and satisfied.

This thing never gets old, it seems.

But for all the familiar old gabas, Trump spent most of his time pushing the Big Lie, taking it to a higher level of delusion, suggesting that President Obama stole his two elections and insisted that Arizona’s “fraud” went:

He also got big applause for throwing out Republicans who he believes betrayed him by failing to commit fraud, at one point suggesting that Georgia Democrat Stacey Abrams would be a better governor than the current GOP governor. and Brian Kemp. His followers love every minute of it, enthusiastically booing Kemp and Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. In their minds, like Trump’s, the Democrats and RINO are one in the same: They are the enemy.


Want a daily wrap of all the news and commentary the Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


It’s hard to know if the rally crowd represents the average Trump follower but polls indicate that he is still very popular with Republicans so for that reason they are generally happy with Trumpism presented at his rallies. As so many wondered when asked what they liked about him, he said what they thought.

I couldn’t help but think of that when I read some recent study of the 2020 election once again looking at the question “what does the white working class voter really want?” The Washington Post’s Monkey Cage blog shifted attention to Virginia’s upcoming governor’s career and looked at the three major cultural markers that separate the city from rural voters: faith, gun ownership and race.

I don’t think I need to explain the differences between Democrats and Republicans on those issues. Democratic strategist James Carville blames urban voters for being elitist and chasing voters in their big way in the city. Analyst Ruy Teixeira believes Democrats are not in the cultural step with the American mainstream and, as a result, have put a ceiling on their appeal. Teixeira makes a number of suggestions on how to be more culturally compliant with Real Americans and suggests:

The way to raise that ceiling is clear: move to the center to embrace the perspectives enumerated above, all of which are compatible with a solid program of full employment, expanding the social safety net and investing in the public. In fact, the funny aspect of it is that the general public writer, including the median voter, is more open to such a program than in previous decades, but the leftism of the Democrats ’culture is interfering with their ability to focus their popular economic program and avoid unknown positions that have little to do with that program.

In other words, he believes that the delivery of a popular economic program will come back to them as long as they are not ruined by Democrats on all this cultural left. But after crunching the numbers, Monkey Cage analysts found that neither urban arrogance nor leftist culture was the root of the problem nor did attitudes differ about gun ownership or faith. The problem is race. This is evident by the fact that white voters in the countryside simply refuse to acknowledge that racism exists:

[I]f voters in urban and rural areas recognized white privilege at the same rate, the urban-rural voting separation would be small, only eight points. That split is actually 32 points which speaks to the strong role of racism in strengthening this gap. Perhaps unsurprisingly, then, that Virginia Republican candidate Glenn Youngkin attacked the teaching of critical race theory, which forms the basis of his campaign.

Our findings suggested that messaging was not the problem, as Carville asserted. Instead, rural Americans preferred the politics that Trump charged with politics and denial that racism exists. Fueled by a major disagreement about racism in the United States, urban and provincial segregation is likely to continue into 2021 and beyond.

This analysis traces earlier findings on the state of the 2016 election when the media decided that Trump’s victory was based on the “economic distress” of white workers and it took months to chase them to eateries in the South. and the rust to prove it. Then, as now, the analysis didn’t just add up. Uneducated college voters exist across the country but those who love Trump are the whites, mostly rural, and often wealthier Fox News viewers who are filled with grievance and resentment against to people of color.

Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia pleaded differently in this same study. He agrees that economic instability has little to do with non-college votes for Trump in 2020 but he believes “introductions” about ideology. He wrote:

I have found that support for Donald Trump among working class white voters reflects conservative views across a wide range of policy issues including social welfare issues, cultural issues, issues of racial justice, gun control, immigration, and climate change. In other words, the Democratic Party’s rejection of white voter workers is primarily ideological. This fact makes it unlikely that Democrats will be able to win many white working class voters by appealing to their economic self-interest.

I don’t know which of these studies is correct, although I highly doubt that taming the “cultural left” will have such an impact on those allegedly hurt here that they will instead vote for the likes of Donald Trump. I am convinced that racism is at the heart of most of the grievances and hatred that pervade the right, and I also think it could easily evolve to a more holistic worldview that encompasses grievance across the ideological spectrum leading to conspiracy. thinking and an abandonment of critical thinking However, I am not sure that adds to a coherent ideology. It is more of a tribal identity.


Want a daily wrap of all the news and commentary the Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.


Trumpism’s appeal lies in the fact that Trump himself was careful to stay within the bounds of all those issues on Saturday’s list. He uses his rallies to feel them and adjust accordingly. That way he is the true follower, not a leader. What he does is express their hatred of racial and religious minorities and immigrants, advocates of gun control, climate change, tolerance, equality and pluralism in crude, intimidation, hostile ways that validate their existing beliefs. Basically, he completes them.

[ad_2]

Previous Offer other options apart from the PeduliLindungi app: House Speaker
Next Brent J. Wilkerson, MD, otolaryngologist at Michigan Ear Institute Acoustic Neuroma Center

No Comment

Leave a reply

Your email address will not be published.